Smoke and silence: Tanzanian streets empty under curfew after contested vote.

By Ephraim Agbo 

Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan was sworn in for a second term on Nov. 3, 2025, in a tightly controlled ceremony at State House in Dodoma. Instead of the usual open-air stadium, the oath of office took place on the Tanzania People’s Defence Force parade grounds within the presidential compound, attended only by invited officials and foreign dignitaries. Television footage showed Hassan and a handful of dignitaries overlooking a fenced parade ground at Dodoma’s State House – a dramatic departure from the mass rallies her party once held. Authorities kept the public away amid heavy military and police deployments around the capital. Several African heads of state attended the ceremony, but no ordinary citizens were present.

Landslide Victory as Opposition Barred

Hassan’s inauguration followed an election in which she was officially credited with nearly 97.7–98% of the vote. The Electoral Commission announced she secured roughly 31.9 million of 32.7 million ballots cast (97.66%). Those figures reflect the fact that Tanzania’s two main opposition leaders – Tundu Lissu of the Chadema party and Luhaga Mpina of ACT-Wazalendo – had been disqualified from running. With the leading challengers barred on technical grounds, only minor party candidates opposed Hassan. One analyst at the Institute for Security Studies noted that the absence of Chadema and ACT-Wazalendo made this contest “arguably the least competitive” election since multiparty politics was restored in 1992.

Unsurprisingly, the official result was a one-sided landslide. The Chadema opposition immediately rejected it as a sham, accusing authorities of fabricating the outcome. Chadema’s leaders said the process had “no basis in reality” without genuine competition. Even a Reuters report noted that Chadema had derided the vote as a “coronation” of Hassan. In public statements, however, President Hassan praised election observers from the African Union, SADC, and others as having deemed the process “free, fair and credible” – a claim disputed by several monitoring groups.

Protests, Curfews and Crackdown

The days around the vote saw violent protests in Dar es Salaam and other cities. Video and witness accounts showed crowds clashing with security forces, with petrol fires and tear gas. Tanzanian police imposed a curfew in Dar es Salaam and dispatched troops to assist local forces after protests turned deadly. Government monitors reported internet disruptions on election day, consistent with a nationwide blackout that hindered communications. By the day of the inauguration, service had only slowly returned under “widespread restrictions”.

At least 10 people are confirmed to have been killed in election-related unrest, according to the United Nations human rights office. UN staff cited credible reports of ten fatalities during clashes in Dar es Salaam, Shinyanga and Morogoro. Opposition activists and community leaders claim the toll is far higher – even in the hundreds – but those figures remain unverified. For example, a Catholic Church leader cited community reports of “hundreds” of deaths, but offered no documentation.

The unrest has left parts of the country eerily quiet. In Dar es Salaam many shops and petrol stations remained shuttered and streets mostly empty on the Monday after voting. The government even delayed the reopening of universities and advised civil servants to work from home, as soldiers and police guarded city streets. Residents said food and fuel shortages were becoming evident in Dar, as commerce ground to a halt under the curfew.

Government’s Narrative and International Reaction

In public remarks, President Hassan blamed the disturbances on foreign “agitators” rather than Tanzanian citizens. Addressing the crowd after her swearing-in, she noted that some of those arrested during the unrest “were foreigners from outside our country,” without providing any evidence. This foreign-influence claim has drawn skepticism from rights groups, who note Hassan has presented no proof of such interference. The U.S. State Department and others have questioned why demonstrators’ deaths were swept up in allegations of a foreign plot.

Regional bodies and election observers painted a contrasting picture. The Southern African Development Community (SADC) said the Oct. 29 vote “fell short” of the bloc’s democratic standards, particularly because key opponents were barred. SADC observers noted that in many areas “voters could not express their democratic will,” citing the lack of real choices on the ballot. Similarly, an AU statement congratulated Hassan on her win but urged the government to uphold fundamental rights and freedoms of the Tanzanian people.

The ruling party has defended the election as fair. Government spokesmen insist the turnout and vote count were legitimate and that security forces acted reasonably to restore order. After her inauguration, President Hassan appealed for calm and unity, saying “life must continue” and urging Tanzanians to “protect our values of peace and collaboration”. Human rights groups remain unconvinced. They point out that Tanzania has seen a wave of abductions, arrests and harassment of opposition figures in the months before the vote. As one analyst put it, “Tanzania will never be the same after this election”, warning that the state’s dominance and citizens’ anger could push the country into an uncertain new chapter.

Looking ahead, Tanzania’s political trajectory is uncertain. The new government inherits a polarized society, with large segments of the population distrustful of an election many view as staged. Domestic critics and some foreign allies will be watching whether President Hassan truly addresses economic and social concerns while respecting rights – or whether the crackdown intensifies under the banner of stability. For now, however, Tanzania enters her second term under the cloud of contested legitimacy, tight security, and calls from abroad to ensure that the basic freedoms promised by the constitution are upheld.